The History of El Cid Campeador

A hero for Spain and Christianity?

The figure of Rodrigo Díaz (c. 1043-1099 CE), popularly known as El Cid (derived from the Arabic word sayyid) and/or Campeador (Champion/Master of the Battlefield, cf. Latin ‘Campidoctus’), continues to attract considerable debate in Spain and elsewhere as to his status in Spanish history. In brief, for some, he is a Spanish national hero and/or champion of Christendom against Islam, but for others who are more critical of him, he is a mere mercenary and opportunist. These views all depend on how one interprets the historical evidence regarding El Cid’s life, among which the Historia Roderici (“History of Roderic”)- an anonymous Latin work probably dating to the twelfth century CE and portraying its subject in a favourable light- should be indispensable in any assessment of El Cid. It is in my view the most important source for his life, and I present a freely accessible translation of it as part of this post.

I should mention that I have had some interest in the figure of El Cid since I was a child, having first come across his story in the video game Age of Empires II: The Conquerors, which features the El Cid story as a campaign series of scenarios, beginning with his service to King Sancho II of Castile (ruled 1065-1072 CE) and culminating with his capture of the Muslim petty state (ta’ifa) of Valencia in 1094 CE and its aftermath. The story portrayed involves fictional elements and anachronisms (e.g. featuring gunpowder combat units that did not even exist then), but it made for entertaining gameplay.

The most recent notable advocate of the view of El Cid as some sort of hero against Islam is Raymond Ibrahim in his book “Defenders of the West: The Christian Heroes Who Stood Against Islam,” where El Cid features as one of Raymond’s eight heroes. By way of preface, I should note that I like Raymond personally, and have high regard for his Arabic language skills and ability to read Arabic source materials (both modern and medieval) in the original- quite a contrast with the many hucksters in the realm of ‘terrorism studies’ and ‘jihadism studies’ who purport to be ‘experts’ on jihadist groups in a general sense or in the Middle East and North Africa but have no research competency in Arabic, yet occupy academic and research fellow positions.

Moreover, I appreciate Raymond’s emphasis on primary source research. As he notes, if one closely scrutinises secondary literature’s use of those materials, the translations of those materials by different authors do not always agree. Being an avid reader of secondary literature cannot substitute for primary source research competency, though it is also important to show some awareness of secondary literature and not falsely imagine oneself to be going where no one has gone before.

In addition, as Raymond would emphasise and agree with specific regards to the wider history of al-Andalus/medieval Spain, one should not be naïve about how a lot of medieval Muslim historiography writes about that history. Jihad in the sense of holy war to expand the Islam’s reach and authority is often commended, and this involved killing, enslavement of women and children, and a good deal of destruction and plundering.

All that said, I take issue with both the general thrust of Ibrahim’s book and also the particular portrait of El Cid. On the general level, I agree with points Professor David Cook has raised regarding Ibrahim’s book as to lack of clarity in framing: who exactly is a ‘Christian hero’? What exactly constitutes a ‘defender of the West’? What common threads run through the figures Raymond documents?

Cook was notably unconvinced by the idea of El Cid being some kind of ‘Christian hero’ or ‘defender of the West’. I share this scepticism. An examination of the Historia Roderici in my view favours doubts about Raymond’s portrait. This is true not only on the wider level but also in more specific particulars. In the broader picture, there is no evidence El Cid ever conceived of his campaign or mission as ‘defending the West’ or somehow protecting and advancing some cause of ‘the West’ or Europe.

Let us turn now to specifics. Neither El Cid’s glorifiers nor his detractors will be unaware of or deny the fact that after being exiled in 1081 CE from the kingdom of Castile by Alfonso VI (who, in my view, would have been a far better figure for Raymond’s book considering his 1085 CE conquest of the historically important city of Toledo that was never again restored to Muslim power), El Cid entered for a period into the service of the Muslim ta’ifa of Zaragoza (then ruled by al-Mu’taman), and that this service involved defending the ta’ifa against two Christian rulers: Count Berengar of Barcelona and King Sancho of Aragon.

Raymond prefaces this point of El Cid’s career by telling us that El Cid initially offered his services to Count Berengar “to fight the surrounding Muslims,” only to be spurned by the latter, prompting El Cid’s turn to Zaragoza. Yet there is no record of this in the Historia Roderici, which only says that on being exiled El Cid came to Barcelona and from there headed to Zaragoza (section 12). Considering that the envy and malice of El Cid’s rivals towards him is a running theme in the text and the portrayal of El Cid as a devout Christian in the later parts of the text, it seems unlikely that the Historia Roderici would have omitted this supposed offer to Count Berengar “to fight the surrounding Muslims” and its rejection if that had actually happened. It is possible that El Cid requested some form of protection from the count and offered general services to him (an inference that has been drawn in the secondary literature), but the idea that offer was specifically based on fighting “the surrounding Muslims” is not attested. If fighting Muslims were El Cid’s motivation, why then go to the ta’ifa of Zaragoza?

This point aside, the Historia Roderici shows that not all of El Cid’s actions in service of the ta’ifa of Zaragoza were strictly defensive. In fact, he was willing to engage in offensive action in the form of plundering territory in Aragon and taking captives (presumably Christian) there on behalf of the ta’ifa. As the text recounts (section 21):

“In the meantime, King al-Mu’taman ordered Roderic Diaz to gather his own soldiers and enter with him into the land of Aragon in order to plunder it. This was done. And so they plundered the land of Aragon, stripped it of its riches and the land’s inhabitants, and took very many captives with them. Five days later they returned victorious to the fort of Monzón. As for King Sancho, he was present at that time in his land and in his realm, but he did not dare to resist him in any way.”

It should be reiterated that this Latin biography is generally sympathetic to El Cid and is written from a Christian perspective. As such, I do not consider there to be a reason for the author to have fabricated this expedition into Aragon.

It is also not the only occasion in which El Cid devastated Christian lands. Despite gaps in the surviving text, it becomes clear at a later point (section 50, seemingly corresponding to the year 1092 CE at this point in the narrative) that while staying with al-Mu’taman’s successor al-Musta‘in, El Cid set out from the ta’ifa of Zaragoza’s territory and entered into lands controlled by Alfonso VI, engaging in severe plundering and burning of what was clearly Christian land, such that even the otherwise sympathetic author condemns his conduct as savage, merciless, wicked and impious. Based on the context of the narrative, the specific target of his raiding appears to have been holdings of the Castilian count García Ordóñez. If it is true that Alfonso VI had launched a campaign in this year against the ta’ifa of Valencia in collaboration with Genoa and Pisa, then it is possible that El Cid’s raiding contributed to the failure of that campaign in that it may have diverted Alfonso VI’s attention back to his own kingdom.

This point leads further to consideration of the pinnacle of El Cid’s career: his conquest of Valencia. While the conquest did mean that the territory came under the rule of a Christian instead of a Muslim and for this reason he is condemned in writings of Muslim sources, caution should be applied in interpreting this conquest as primarily driven by zeal for Christianity, ‘defending the West’ or advancing a cause of ‘reconquista’ (reconquest). A more plausible view of El Cid’s actions is that he simply wished to acquire his own independent realm and maximise his wealth. The Historia Roderici has little to say about how El Cid governed Valencia. The most notable fact recorded is the conversion of a mosque in Valencia into a church for the Virgin Mary. Conversely, there is no evidence that El Cid pursued a policy of Christian or Spanish unity by attaching his realm administratively to one of the existing Christian kingdoms. As for El Cid’s seeming lust for wealth, this is not only suggested in the Muslim sources’ portrayal of him, but also in the Historia Roderici’s repeated mention of the finding and taking of immense wealth during the conquest of Valencia and its aftermath (sections 61, 62 and 66).

Rather than commending or condemning El Cid (though there is no question he was a brilliant military commander), I see him simply as a man who was the product of a rather complicated era in the history of al-Andalus/medieval Iberia. By the time of El Cid’s birth and for most of his life, notions of Muslim political unity in the Iberian Peninsula had collapsed with the final disintegration of the caliphate of Córdoba in 1031 CE and the rise of the petty states (tawa’if: singular ta’ifa), which were subsequently subjugated by the Almoravids over the course of the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries CE.

The politics of the tawa’if states are complex, but two essential facts to know are as follows: (i) on multiple occasions tawa’if realms fought each other and made alliances with the Christian kingdoms and Christian noblemen as part of their squabbles, and (ii) some of the tawa’if realms were paying tribute to the Christian kingdoms and noblemen. Similar behaviour was in evidence in prior periods. For example, in the late Córdoba caliphate era (cf. Historia Arabum Chapters 33-34), Sulayman bin al-Hakam- a claimant to the caliphate- sought the assistance of Count Sancho of Castile to help him depose Muhammad bin Hisham bin Abd al-Jabbar (Muhammad al-Mahdi).

On account of their petty internal squabbling, alliances with Christians against each other and paying tribute to Christians, the tawa’if states are often condemned in both medieval and modern Islamic writings. Two interesting contemporary examples of this condemnation come from Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the Islamic State. When Abd al-Rahim Atoun of HTS declared that his group is not in a “war with the tawa’if,” he did not mean ‘tawa’if’ in terms of religious sects (as I had been inclined to think initially), but rather that the group is not seeking to carve out a petty realm for itself within Syria as part of squabbling with petty realms controlled by other factions, recalling the petty realms of al-Andalus and the detriment brought to the Muslims by them. Indeed, this reading of Atoun’s words matches one of HTS’s key talking points (namely, that it is a unifying force for the insurgency and ‘revolution’ overcoming petty factionalism). At the same time, the group is clearly sect-centric in its orientation, upholding itself as the defender and upholder of the interests of Sunnis in Syria.

As for the Islamic State, it covered the tawa’if realms in a series on Andalusian history in its earlier issues of the al-Naba’ newsletter, portraying many of the tawa’if rulers as having fallen into ‘apostasy’ for seeking the help of Christians against perceived Muslim rivals (thus committing a Wahhabi ‘nullifier’ of Islam: whoever seeks the help of the non-Muslims against other Muslims is a disbeliever). In contrast, the Almoravid ruler Yusuf bin Tashfin is commended for destroying the tawa’if realms, as he “realised that the Muslims have no power except in unity under one banner, and that the reason for the weakness and degradation of the Ummah and the gathering of the Crusaders against it is their division and separation.” Clearly, the group is intending to liken Tashfin’s actions against the tawa’if to its own fight against various ‘apostate’ factions and entities in Iraq, Syria and elsewhere: a fight that is believed to take priority over fighting the original disbelievers, since apostasy is deemed worse than original disbelief. Just as the tawa’if impeded Muslim unity in al-Andalus, so the ‘tawa’if’ of today impede Muslim unity that the Islamic State seeks to realise before eventual world conquest.

As Raymond would acknowledge, complexities surrounding El Cid’s career stem from the nature of the tawa’if of al-Andalus. I would contend that El Cid should simply be seen as a Christian version of a ta’ifa ruler, carving out his own fiefdom that ultimately proved short-lived. This is neither to condemn nor glorify El Cid, but understand him on his own terms. He certainly is not some role-model for today.

Below I present my full translation of the Historia Roderici, utilising Emma Falque’s critical edition of the Latin text as presented in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Medievalis LXXI. This includes following the traditional division of the text into sections (including where there are thought to be gaps), though the original manuscripts did not contain these divisions. The text is also annotated primarily to account for place names, generally utilising modern places names with the help of the index locorum supplied in the critical edition. Any suggested amendments to the translation are most welcome.

I would like to dedicate this overview, translation and commentary to my friend Matthew Hoh, two of whose grandparents originate from Spain. Matthew served in both Iraq and Afghanistan after 9/11 and has done good work in speaking critically about the post-9/11 wars. I recommend following his new Substack here.

Suggested Basic Bibliography

The Cid and his Spain (English translation of Ramón Menéndez Pidal’s study of El Cid. Pidal was a key defender of El Cid’s reputation).

The World of El Cid: Chronicles of the Spanish Reconquest (includes a prior English translation of the Historia Roderici).

The Quest for El Cid (a balanced English-language study of El Cid by R.A. Fletcher).

History of Roderic or the Deeds of Roderic Campeador

1. Owing to the fact that the immense deeds of temporal affairs, passing through the rapid cycle of the years, are without exception handed over to oblivion unless they are noted in a manuscript providing notice about them, we have therefore decided that the lineage of the very noble warrior hero Roderic Diaz and the wars he courageously waged should be contained and held under the light of writing.

2. So this appears to be the origin of his stock: Flaynus Calvus begat many sons, among whom were Ferdinand Flaynet and Bermudo Flaynet. While Ferdinand Flayne begat Flaynus Fernandez, Bermudus Flaynet begat Roderic Bermudez. Flaynus Fernandez begat Nunnus Flaynet, while Roderic Bermudez begat Ferdinand Roderic. Ferdinand Roderic begat Peter Fernandez and a daughter called Eylo. Nunnus Flayne married this Eylo and begat from her Flaynus Nunez. Flaynus Nunez begat Diaz Flaynez. Diaz Flaynez begat Roderic Diaz Campeador from the daughter of Roderic Albarus, who was the brother of Nunnus Albarus, who held the fort of Amaya and many other provinces of the regions. Roderic Alvarez held the fort of Luna and the provinces of Monte Moggon, Moradillo, Cellorigo, Corel and many villages in the plain. His wife was Mistress Theresa, the sister of Nunnionus Flaynez de Relias.

3. As for Diaz Flaynez the father of Roderic Diaz Campeador, he kept hold of the fortress of Navarra that is called Ubierna (as well as Urbel[i] and La Piedra) with great and robust virtue. He fought with the aforementioned Navarrans in the field and defeated them. After he triumphed over them once, never again were they able to prevail against him. After he died, his son Roderic Diaz succeeded in the lot of his father’s legal holdings.

4. Sancho[ii] the king of all of Castile and the dominator of Spain diligently nurtured this Roderic Diaz and girded him with the girdle of military service. When King Sancho came to Zaragoza, fought with King Ramiro of Aragon at Graus,[iii] and defeated him and killed him there, King Sancho brought Roderic Diaz with him and had him present in his army and his triumph. After triumphing in this way, King Sancho headed back to Castile.

5. King Sancho loved Roderic Diaz with much affection and deep love, so much so that he made him commander over all his military. Roderic thus grew up and became a very brave warrior man and Campeador in the court of King Sancho. In all the wars that King Sancho waged with King Alfonso[iv] in Llantada[v] and Golpejera[vi] and in which he defeated him, Roderic Diaz held King Sancho’s royal standard, and prevailed and distinguished himself as the best among all the soldiers of the king’s army.

When King Sancho besieged Zamora, at that time by the lot of fortune Roderic Diaz fought on his own against 15 soldiers from the opposing party fighting against him. Seven of them were wearing breastplates: he killed one of them, wounded and laid low two of them on the ground, and put all the others to flight through his strong fighting spirit. Afterwards he fought with Eximinus Garcez- one of the better men of Pamplona- and defeated him. With equal fortune he also fought with a certain Saracen in Medinaceli[vii]: he not only defeated the latter but also killed him.

6. So after the death of his lord King Sancho, who nurtured and loved him very much, King Alfonso honourably received him as a vassal and treated with very much loving reverence. He gave him his niece Mistress Eximina- the daughter of Count Diaz of Oviedo- to be his wife. From her he begat sons and daughters.

7. Meanwhile King Alfonso sent him as a messenger to the king of Seville and the king of Cordoba for the sake of the tribute.

However, at that time al-Mu‘tamid the king of Seville[viii] and al-Muzaffar[ix] the king of Granada were enemies. With the king of Granada were García Ordoño, Fortunius Sancho (the son-in-law of García the king of Pamplona[x]), Lupus Sancho (the brother of Fortunius Saggez) and Diaz Petriz one of the senior figures of Castile. Each one of these men came with his military retinue with the intention of fighting against the king of Seville.

When Roderic Diaz came to al-Mu‘tamid, it was immediately revealed to him that the king of Granada was coming with the help of the Christians against al-Mu‘tamid and his realm. Then he sent letters to the king of Granada and to the Christians who were with him, telling them that for the love of their king Alfonso they should not go against the king of Seville nor should they enter his realm. However, they trusted in the multitude of their army,[xi] and so they not only did not wish to listen to his entreaties, but also they rejected them entirely. And so they came plundering all that land as far as the fort that is called Cabra.[xii]

8. When Roderic Diaz heard about this and came to realise it with certainty, he immediately went to confront them with his own army and there he engaged in a cruel battle with them. Indeed this battle engaged between them lasted from the third hour of the day until the sixth.[xiii] Massive slaughter occurred there with the killing of the king of Granada’s army that consisted of both Saracens and Christians, until they were all defeated and routed and thus fled before Roderic Diaz. So in the same battle were captured García Ordoño, Lupus Sancho, Diaz Perus and very many other soldiers of those men. And so after having triumphed, Roderic Diaz held them captive for three days. Finally he took away their tents and all their war spoils and thus he permitted them to leave without any other conditions imposed.

9. When he headed back victorious to Seville, al-Mu‘tamid gave him the tribute of lord King Alfonso and added to the tribute presents and many gifts, which he brought to his king. So after these aforementioned gifts and tributes were received and peace was signed between al-Mu‘tamid and King Alfonso, he returned with honours to Castile and his lord King Alfonso.

On account of this sort of triumph and the victory God brought to him, very many people local and foreign, moved by jealousy, made false and untrue accusations about him in the king’s presence.

10. After Roderic returned with the aforementioned honour to Castile, King Alfonso immediately marched with his own army to the land of the Saracens that was rebelling against him, in order to wage war against it and amplify and pacify his realm. Roderic at that time remained in Castile as he was ill. In the meantime the Saracens came and attacked a certain fort called Gormaz,[xiv] where they took a considerable amount of booty.

When he heard this, Roderic was moved with great anger and sadness and said: “I will pursue these thugs and perhaps catch them.”[xv] And so, after gathering his army and all his soldiers who were well equipped with arms, he plundered the regions of Toledo and devastated the land of the Saracens. He took captive 7000 men and women, boldly took away all their possessions and riches, and took them with him to his home.

11. When King Alfonso and the seniors of his court heard of his deed of Roderic, they took it with difficulty and were troubled, and those who held this sort of cause against him and the palace officials who envied him said unanimously to the king: “Oh Lord King, your highness should know without doubt that Roderic did this so that we who are simultaneously dwelling in the land of the Saracens and plundering it should be killed by the Saracens and die here.” The king, unjustly moved and irate because of this sort of wicked and envious suggestion, expelled the man from his kingdom.

12. Leaving the kingdom of Castile, he came to Barcelona, having left his friends in sadness. From there he came to Zaragoza, where al-Muqtadir had been ruling at that time. After al-Muqtadir died in Zaragoza,[xvi] his kingdom was divided between his two sons: namely, al-Mu’taman and Alfagib. Whereas al-Mu’taman ruled in Zaragoza, his brother Alfagib[xvii] ruled in Denia.[xviii] This al-Mu’taman very much loved Roderic, and preferred him and elevated him over his kingdom and over all his land, making use of his counsel in all matters.

But it seems that a wicked and very savage struggle of malice arose between al-Mu’taman and his brother Alfagib, such that they decided on a place and day on which they would fight each other.

King Sancho of Aragon and Pamplona[xix] and Count Berengar of Barcelona were aiding and accompanying Alfagib. With al-Mu’taman was Roderic Diaz, who faithfully served him and guarded and protected his realm and his land. Thus King Sancho and Count Berengar in particular were jealous of him and were plotting an ambush against him.

13. So when King Sancho heard that Roderic Diaz wished to go from Zaragoza to Monzón,[xx] he made a vow and said in no way should he dare to do this. When Roderic came to know of the king’s vow, he became roused with courage and so he fixed his tents with his whole army in the sight of the enemy (namely, Alfagib’s entire army). On the next day he entered Monzón where King Sancho was present. But the king did not dare to come to him.

Meanwhile a meeting was held between al-Mu’taman and Roderic in which it was decided that they should restore and fortify the old fort called Almenar.[xxi]This was immediately done. After this it seems that the struggle of malice between al-Mu’taman and his brother Alfagib arose again such that the war to be waged was brought about.

14. Alfagib met with Count Berengar, the count of Cerdanya,[xxii] the brother of the Count of Urgell and the potentates (namely of Vesaldona, Inpurda, Rocinio and Carcasso[xxiii]). He decided with them on the following plan of action: that they should all come together with Alfagib and besiege the aforementioned fort of Almenar. This was immediately done. And so they besieged it and assailed it for many days, until those who were in the fort came to lack water.

15. As for Roderic, he was at that time staying in the fort that is called Escarp, which is located between two rivers (namely, the Segre[xxiv] and Cinca).[xxv] He had previously captured it in an act of boldness after capturing all its citizens. And so while he was staying there, he sent a messenger to al-Mu’taman to report to him the suffering and pressure that the fort of Almenar was facing, and to tell him that all who were in the aforementioned fort appeared to be worn out and very exhausted and seemingly on the verge of death. Again Roderic, with his mind roused, sent other ambassadors with his letters to al-Mu’taman, tell him to go and help the fort he had constructed. So al-Mu’taman immediately came to Roderic and found him in the fort of Tamariz.[xxvi]

There a meeting was begun between them, and al-Mu’taman ordered Roderic to fight against the enemy who were besieging the fort of Almenar. Roderic replied to him: “It is better for you to give him his tribute and for him to cease attacking the fort, than to enter into a struggle with him, because he has come with a very large multitude of men.” So al-Mu’taman gladly granted this. So Roderic immediately sent a messenger to the aforementioned counts and to Alfagib, telling them that they should leave the aforementioned fort after receiving their tribute. However, they did not want to acquiesce to his words, nor did they cease assailing the fort. So the messenger returned to Roderic and reported to him all that he had heard from them.

16. So Roderic, with his mind roused, ordered all his soldiers to take up arms and prepare themselves courageously for war. And so he set out with his army up to that place, in which the counts, Alfagib and Roderic Diaz looked at each other. So once a great charge was made, the belligerents and callers of both sides directed their battle-lines and entered into the battle. But the aforementioned counts and Alfagib immediately turned in flight. Defeated and thrown into disarray, they fled before Roderic. Indeed a very large proportion of their men were killed, and few escaped.

All their spoils and possessions remained in the legal ownership and hand of Roderic. He led Count Berengar and his soldiers as captives to the fort of Tamariz and there he sent them into the hands of al-Mu’taman after he was victorious. Five days later he let them go free to their own country.

17. Roderic Diaz headed back with al-Mu’taman to Zaragoza and here he was received by the citizens of that city with the highest honour and very great veneration.  Indeed al-Mu’taman elevated and raised Roderic in his days over his son, kingdom, and all his land, such that he seemed to be like the one who controlled all of his realm. He also endowed him very much with innumerable presents and many gifts of gold and silver.

18. Many days later, it turned out that a certain ignoble man, called Albofalac, who at the time held the fort of Rota[xxvii] that is next to Zaragoza, revolted along with the aforementioned fort against the law and dominion of King al-Mu’taman and rebelled in it in the name of Adafir, who was al-Mu’taman’s uncle, who had been placed in the aforementioned fort by his brother al-Muqtadir. For the sake of this cause the aforementioned Adafir asked Emperor Alfonso with many entreaties to help him. Hearing this, the Emperor Alfonso- in order to help him- sent him the young Ramiro, Count Gundisalvus and many other potentates with a huge army. Once they came to him, they decided with him that they should send a message to the emperor, asking him to come himself. This is what happened. He immediately came with his army to them and he stayed there for a few days.

In the meantime Adafir died. As for Albofalac the rebel of the fort of Rota, he decided with the young Ramiro that they should hand over Rota to Emperor Alfonso. The aforementioned Albofalac immediately came to the emperor and spoke words of peace with him, deceitfully supplicating him with many entreaties to come to the aforementioned fort and enter it. But before the emperor should approach the fort, Albofalac permitted the emperor’s leading men to enter the fort first, while the emperor stood nearby. But when they entered, the trickery and betrayal of Albofalac appeared to have been immediately discovered. For the soldiers and infantry who were guarding the fort struck the emperor’s leading men with stones and rocks and killed many of those noblemen. As for the emperor, he headed back to his own forts, being in a very sad state.

19. Hearing about this, Roderic, who was in Tudela,[xxviii] came to the emperor. The emperor received him with honours and diligently ordered him to follow him to Castile. While Roderic followed him, the emperor nonetheless intended in his heart- on account of great envy and malign counsel- to expel Roderic from his land. However, Roderic discovered this, and so he did not want to go to Castile, but rather he departed from the emperor and headed back to Zaragoza. King al-Mu’taman diligently received him in the same place.

20. After this, divine clemency granted Emperor Alfonso the greatest victory, such that he courageously took hold of Toledo[xxix]- the renowned city of Spain that he had assaulted and assailed for a long time (namely, seven years). He subjugated it to his power along with its suburban areas and its lands.

21. In the meantime, King al-Mu’taman ordered Roderic Diaz to enter with him into the land of Aragon in order to plunder it, after bringing together his own soldiers. This was done. And so they plundered the land of Aragon, stripped it of its riches and the land’s inhabitants, and took very many captives with them. Five days later they returned victorious to the fort of Monzón. As for King Sancho, he was present at that time in his land and in his realm, but he did not dare to resist him in any way.

After this deed, Roderic Diaz attacked the land of Alfagib (al-Mu’taman’s brother), and plundered it. Indeed he brought many losses and costs upon him, especially in the mountainous places that have been called Morella[xxx] and its territory. For he did not leave one home in that land that he did not destroy, or any possession that he did not take away. Thus he waged war on the fort of Morella and climbed all the way up to the gate of the fort and brought about the greatest loss upon it.

Amid these events, al-Mu’taman asked him through a messenger and through his letters to rebuild the fort over Morella that is called Alcala. He immediately rebuilt and constructed it, and fortified it well with things necessary for it in terms of both men and arms.

22. When King Alfagib had heard this, he immediately met with King Sancho of Aragon and complained very bitterly about Roderic. Therefore they both decided to help each other and boldly defend their realms and lands from Roderic and finally fight him with audacity in the field. Therefore both men gathered their armies and both placed their camps near the Ebro river. Roderic was near them.

Immediately King Sancho sent ambassadors to Roderic asking him to withdraw without delay from that place where he was standing and not to stay there any further. But he did not want to acquiesce in any way to his command, words and admonitions. Nonetheless he gave this sort of response to his ambassadors: “If my lord king wants to pass by me peacefully, I will gladly serve him: not only him, but also all his men. In this regard, and if he wishes, I will give him 100 of my soldiers, who may serve him and be companions for his journey.” So the ambassadors returned to the king and reported Roderic’s words to him.

23. When King Sancho heard that Roderic did not want to acquiesce to his words and did not withdraw from the place where he was standing, he was moved with anger and roared, and together with Alfagib he quickly came almost all the way up to Roderic’s camp. Seeing this, Roderic vowed to resist them entirely and not to flee before them. He remained there, bravely steadfast. On the following day King Sancho and Alfagib armed themselves together with their men and directed their battle-lines against these men. And so the battle was initiated and commenced, and they fought each other for a long time. But eventually King Sancho and Alfagib turned back. Defeated and routed, they fled before Roderic, who pursued them over a long distanced and captured very many of their men. Among those captured were: Bishop Raymond Dalmatius, Count Sancho Sancho of Pamplona, Count Nunnus of Portugal, Gustedio Guntadiz, Nunnus Suarius of León, Anaya Suarius of Galicia, Calvet, Ennecus Sanggiz of Montecluso, Simon García of Boil, Pepinus Acenariz, his brother García Acenariz, Flayn Petriz of Pamplona (the nephew of Count Sancho), Fortunius García of Aragon, Sancho García of Alcaraz, Blasius García the king’s mayordomo. Among them also was García Diaz of Castile. Besides these men, he captured more than 2000 men, whom he eventually allowed to go freely into their own land. And so by waging war on these men he boldly captured also all the forts and plundered their spoil.

And so after he did these things, he returned to Zaragoza completely victorious and with countless possessions. He also brought with him those high-rank noblemen as captives, named above. Al-Mu’taman, his children and a great multitude of the city of Zaragoza- both men and women- rejoiced greatly and were jubilant about his victory, and so they came to him at the village that is called Fuentes,[xxxi] which is 150 stades from the city.

24. And so Roderic Diaz stayed there at Zaragoza until al-Mu’taman died. After the latter died, he was succeeded in rule by al-Musta‘in, with whom Rodrigo stayed at Zaragoza for nine months enjoying the highest honour and greatest veneration.

25. Once this period elapsed, he thus returned to his country of Castile, where he was received with honours and good cheer by King Alfonso. Soon he gave him the fort that is called Donnas, together with its inhabitants, as well as the fort of Gormaz, Ibia,[xxxii] Campos,[xxxiii] Eguña,[xxxiv] Briviesca[xxxv] and Langa[xxxvi] (which is in the outmost places), together with all their alfoz territories[xxxvii] and their inhabitants.

26. In addition, he gave the following acquittal and concession written and confirmed in his realm with a seal, whereby all the land or forts he could acquire from the Saracens in the land of the Saracens, would henceforth belong to him by hereditary right: not only belonging to him, but also to his sons, his daughters and all their generation.

27. But not all the wars and opinions on the wars that Roderic waged with his soldiers and allies have been written in this book.

28. In era 1127,[xxxviii] in that time when the kings used to go forth with their armies to wage war or acquire land rebelling against them, King Alfonso went out from the city of Toledo and went forth with his army. As for Roderic Campeador, he was staying at that time in Castile, giving his soldiers a stipend.

29. And so after giving the stipend and bringing together the multitude of his army in Castile (specifically, 7000 men in all their arms), he reached the outermost parts next to the river called the Duero.[xxxix] Crossing through the middle of the riverbed, he ordered to fix his tents in the place that is called Fraxino.[xl] So proceeding from there with his army he reached the place that is called Calamocha.[xli] There he fixed his tents and celebrated the feast of Pentecost. Messengers of the king of Albarracín[xlii] came to him there, requesting that both men should see each other. And so after both men saw each other, the king of Albarracín became a tributary for King Alfonso and thus remained at peace.

30. As for Roderic, he departed from there and reached the regions of Valencia. He placed his camp in the valley that is called Torres, which is next to Murviedro.[xliii] However, at the same time the count of Barcelona called Berengar was staying with his whole army above Valencia, waging war on it, and fortifying Yuballa[xliv] and Liria against it. But when Count Berengar heard that Roderic Campeador had approached against him, he was terrified with great fear, for they were both enemies of each other.

However, the soldiers of Count Berengar, then glorifying themselves and deriding Roderic with many curses and derisions, began to speak about Roderic and make many threats of capture, incarceration and death against him- something they were later unable to make good on. These words reached Roderic’s ears. But Roderic, fearing his lord King Alfonso, did not want to fight with the count, since the man was Alfonso’s blood relative. However, Count Berengar was terrified with fear, and so he left Valencia in peace and quickly reached Requena,[xlv] and from there he reached Zaragoza, and at last he went back with his men to his own land.

31. Roderic stayed in that place in which he had fixed his tents, waging war on his enemies all around. Moving from there, he reached Valencia and placed his camp there. The king al-Qadir[xlvi] was ruling Valencia at that time. He immediately sent his ambassadors with very great presents and innumerable gifts to Roderic and became a tributary. The duke of Murviedro did the same thing.

Later on Roderic Campeador got up from there and entered into the mountainous areas of Alpuente.[xlvii] And so he boldly waged war against it, conquered it and plundered it. He stayed there for a considerable number of days.  And so going out from there he placed his camp in Requena, where he stayed for many days.

32. In the meantime, he heard that Yusuf[xlviii] the king of the Ishmaelites[xlix] and very many other Saracen kings of the Spanish lands had come with the peoples of the Moabites[l] to besiege the fort of Aledo,[li] which the Christians possessed at that time. And so then these aforementioned Saracen kings besieged the fort of Aledo and waged war on it in such a way that those who were inside and defending the fort came to lack water entirely.

Hearing this, King Alfonso wrote his letter to Roderic, asking him to come immediately with him to help the fort of Aledo after seeing the letter, and provide help for those who were within by fighting against Yusuf and all the Saracens who were fighting bravely against that fort. Roderic gave this sort of response to the king’s messengers who had given this letter: “Let my lord the king come, as he has promised to do, for I have been prepared with good mind and good will to help that fort in accordance with his order. But when it is pleasing to him that I should go with him, I beseech his majesty that he should deign to inform me of his arrival.”

33. Roderic Campeador immediately arose from Requena and reached Xativa. There the messenger of King Alfonso found him. He told Roderic that the king was in Toledo with a very large army and a countless multitude of soldiers and infantry. Hearing this, Roderic ascended to that place that is called Onteniente.[lii] He stayed in the same place until he should know for sure of the king’s arrival. For the king had previously asked him via messengers to wait for him in Villena.[liii] He expressly said he would pass through that place.

In the meantime, Roderic was there waiting for the king so that his army would not falter because of hunger. From that place Roderic sent his scouts to Villena and to the region of Chinchilla,[liv] ordering them to report to him immediately when they were able to come to know about the king’s arrival. While those scouts were awaiting the king’s arrival with certainty, the latter came down from another part and came to the river. But when Roderic heard that the king had already crossed and was preceding him, he was very saddened. Immediately he moved with his army from the region of Hellín.[lv] He preceded his soldiers as he desired to know the truth about the king’s crossing.  When he had discovered for sure about his crossing, he immediately left his army following behind him and reached Molina with a few men.

As for Yusuf the king of the Saracens, all the other kings of the Ishmaelites of Spain and whatever other peoples of the Moabites were there, they heard of King Alfonso’s arrival, left the town of Aledo in peace, immediately turned back in flight. Thus terrified with fear about the king before the latter could arrive, he fled in disarray before him. As Roderic reached Molina,[lvi] the king then saw that he could not pursue the Saracens in any way, and so he had already taken the journey back home to Toledo with his army.

Roderic, very sad as he was, returned to his camp, which was in Elche.[lvii] There he permitted some of his soldiers, whom they had taken with them from Castile, to depart to their own abodes.

34. In the meantime the Castilians who envied him in all things made accusations against Roderic in the sight of the king, telling him that Roderic was not a faithful vassal to him but a traitor and wicked. They lied and made this false charge against him: that he did not want to come to the king and help him, so that the king and all those who were with him should be killed by the Saracens. Once the king heard this sort of false accusation, he became moved and incensed with very great anger, and so he immediately ordered to take away from him the forts, villages and ever honour that he held from him. In addition, he ordered for his men to enter Roderic’s own inherited property and (even worse) to seize his wife and children to be seized and thrust them with cruelty into custody. He also ordered for the taking of the gold, silver and everything that he could find from his resources.

As for Roderic, he considered and plainly realised that the king had been turned to anger against him because of the deceitful denunciations and false accusations of his enemies, and that he had so impiously brought such injustice and such unheard-of disgrace on him because of the same men’s insinuations. Thus he immediately sent to the king a certain soldier of his men who was very upright, so that he could boldly exonerate him of the unjust denunciation and false accusation of betrayal and completely excuse him on good terms. Presented to the lord king he brought forth these words: “Oh renowned king, always to be revered, my lord Roderic- your very faithful vassal- sent me to you asking, with the kiss of your hands, that you should accept in your court his exoneration and excusal concerning the denunciation, by which his enemies falsely denounced him in your presence. My lord will himself fight in your court against another equal and similar to him, or his soldier will fight for him against another equal and similar to him, because all those who told you that Roderic engaged in some fraud or some trickery against you on the route by which you were going to help Aledo, so that the Saracens should kill you and your army, have lied, as they are tellers of falsehoods, malicious and not acting in good faith. He wishes to partake in this battle, because when it comes to aiding you faithfully, no count, leader, or soldier of all those, who went with you to help the aforementioned fort, seems to have been of better faithfulness in assisting you against the Saracens and all your enemies than he has been, to the best of his ability.

35. But as Roderic saw that the king did not deign to accept his exoneration, he carried out the judgements of his exoneration and excusal by himself and put them in writing and finally sent them to the king:

“This is the judgement, that I Roderic make concerning the denunciation by which I was denounced in the presence of King Alfonso. May he love and cherished me as he previously used to do. But I will fight in his court against one equal and similar to me, or my soldier will fight against one equal and similar to him, thus saying: I Roderic swear to you wishing to fight with me, you who denounce me regarding that journey, by which King Alfonso was coming to Aledo in order to do battle with the Saracens: there is no other reason why I was not with him except because I was unaware of his crossing and I could not know about it from anyone. This is the truest reason why I was not with him. But in this battle I did not lie, but I did just as he ordered me through his porter and letters, and I did not bypass his order in any regard. In this battle that the king thought of waging with the Saracens who were besieging the aforementioned fort, I did not commit any trickery against him, nor any scheming, betrayal in any sense or any malicious thing, for which my body should be less strong or ought to be less strong. None of those counts, potentates or soldiers, who were with him in that army, had better faithfulness towards the king in waging war on those Saracens and helping him than I had to the best of my ability. I thus swear to you that whatever I tell you is entirely rue and if I am lying, may God hand me over into your hands so you can do what you want to me. Otherwise, may God the just judge free me from the false denunciation. May my soldier make the same such oath against the soldier who wishes to fight with him over this denunciation.”

This is the second oath of his judgement that Roderic judged:

“I Roderic swear to you the soldier who wish to fight with me, you who denounce me concerning the arrival of the king by which he came to Aledo, that I did not know for sure about the king’s arrival and I could not know in any way what was before me, until I heard from reporters that he was already heading back to Toledo. If I had known in advance when I had come as far as Mostellim,[lviii] indeed I tell you that, unless I had been ill, captured or died, I would have presented myself to the king in Molina and travelled with him to Aledo and help him in his quarrel, if he had one with the Saracens, in good faith and good truth, removed from any evil scheming. Over this I swear to you by God and His saint that I did not contrive or speak any evil against the king, for which my body should be less strong. If I am lying in any of these matters I have previously told you, may God hand me over into your hands so you can do what wan to me. If otherwise, may God, who is the just judge, snatch me away from this false denunciation. May my soldier swear this same thing and make good on this same thing against the soldier who wishes to fight with him for the sake of this denunciation.”

This is the third oath:

“I Roderic wear to you the soldier, you who denounce me concerning the arrival of the king by which he came to Aledo in order to wage war with the Saracens besieging that fort. I sent those letters to him in good faith and good truthfulness, without any evil scheming and without any evil contrivance. For I did not send the aforementioned letters so that he should be defeated or captured by his enemies the Saracens. But as he was going to the aforementioned town with his army, he then sent his messenger to me asking me to be in Villena and wait for his arrival there. Thus I acted according to his order. Indeed I swear to you and say that I never plotted nor spoke against the king, nor did I commit betrayal or do anything evil, for which my body should be less strong or on which basis I ought to lose my honour and my money, or for which the king should bring upon me such great and unheard-of dishonour, as he has done. Thus I swear to you by God and by His saints that what I swear, I swear it to be true. But if I am lying in any of these things I have said to you above, may God hand me over into your hands so you can do what you want to me, but otherwise, my He as the pious and just judge liberate me from such false denunciation. Let my soldier swear this same thing and make good on I against the soldier who wishes to fight with him for the sake of this denunciation.

This is the fourth oath:

“I Roderic swear to you the soldier of the king who wish to fight with me, by God and His saints, that from that day, in which I received him as lord in Toledo, till that day, in which I discovered that with cruelty and wholly without reason he had taken my wife captive and completely taken away from me all my honour that I had in his kingdom, I said nothing bad about him, nor did I think of anything evil or do anything against him, for which I ought to have a bad name or my body should be less strong. Without merit, without reason and without any fault, he has taken my honour away from me and taken my wife captive. He has brought such great and cruel dishonour on me. But I swear to you the soldier who wish to fight with me that if I am lying about what I have said above, may God hand me over into your hands so you can do what you want to me. Otherwise, may the most true and pious Judge free me from the very false denunciation. May my soldier swear this same thing and no other and make good on it against the soldier who wishes to fight with him.”

“This is evidently the judgement that I Roderic boldly judge and wholeheartedly affirm. If the king wishes to accept one of these four oaths that I have written above, let him choose whichever one of them is pleasing to him, and I will gladly fulfil it. But if it is not pleasing to him, I am prepared to fight with the king’s soldier who may be a soldier equal to me and such as I was in the king’s eyes, when he loved me. I judge that I ought to exonerate in he eyes of the king and emperor, if he denounces me. If anyone wishes to curse or reprimand me concerning this judgement and gives something better or more just than this judgement regarding this denunciation, let him write that and send what he has written to me regarding how I ought to exonerate and save myself. Indeed if I discover that that is more right and just than my own, I will gladly accept it and exonerate and save myself according to it. Otherwise, I will fight over my judgement or my soldier will do so for me. If by chance the other soldier is overcome, let him accept my judgement. If my soldier is overcome, I will accept hi judgement.

However, the king did not want to accept the judgements of this sort judged by Roderic himself, nor did he want to accept his exoneration and salvation.

36. After the king returned to Toledo, Roderic pitched his camp in Elche. In the same place he celebrated the Lord’s birthday. And so after celebrating the feast, he moved from there and departed through the coastal area, until he reached Polop,[lix] where there was a very large cave filled with treasure. He besieged it and bravely waged war against It, and a few days later, he defeated those fighting against him and courageously entered it. He found in it much gold, silver, silk and precious garments, countless in number. Thus enriched with a sufficient amount of treasure he found, he departed from there, crossed over and reached the port of Tárbena,[lx] and repaired and strengthened a certain fort before the city of Denia in the place that is called Ondara.[lxi] There he performed the holy Lent fast and celebrated in the same place the feast of the Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ.

In this place Alfagib, who at that time was king of that land and ruling in that land, sent a messenger to him in order to have peace with him. After this peace was agreed upon and signed with him, the Saracen messengers returned to Alfagib. Roderic withdrew from that place with his army and reached the regions of Valencia. King Alfagib left the territory of Lerida and Tortosa[lxii] and reached Murviedro.

When al-Qadir, who at that time was king of Valencia, heard that King Alfagib had made peace with Roderic, he was extremely terrified and became very afraid. And so he held a council with his men, and then he immediately directed messengers to Roderic with very large and innumerable gifts of sums of money. They brought the many and innumerable gifts they carried to the same Roderic, and thus they brought about an amicable peace between the king of Valencia and him. In a similar manner Roderic accepted many and innumerable tributes and gifts from all the forts that were rebelling against the king of Valencia and refused to obey his authority.

As for King Alfagib, when he heard that al-Qadir the king of Valencia had made peace with Roderic, he was struck great fear and thus departed from Murviedro in the middle of the night. Thus greatly terrified, he fled from those regions.

37. Roderic left the regions of Valencia and reached Burriana.[lxiii] He heard through some report in that same place that Alfagib[lxiv] of Lerida and Tortosa was trying to lead King Sancho of Aragon, Count Berengar of Barcelona, and Count Ermengald of Urgell against him, so that he could cast him out and expel him from his land and all the borders of his kingdom. However King Sancho and Count Ermengald did not want to acquiesce to his entreaties or help him against Roderic. Roderic remained in Burriana like an immovable stone.[lxv]

Soon Roderic left Burriana and ascended into the mountainous regions of Morella. For there were much supply and abundance of food in that place, as well as innumerable and abundant supplies of cattle.

As for Count Berengar of Barcelona, he entered into an agreement with Alfagib, and took a very large sum of money from him, and so he immediately left Barcelona with an immense army and reached the regions of Zaragoza. He placed his camp in Calamocha in the lands of Albarracín.

Then the count reached al-Musta‘in the king of Zaragoza with a few men. He was in Daroca[lxvi] and spoke with him about having peace with each other. And so after receiving a sum of money from al-Musta‘in, they made peace with each other. On the count’s entreaty, King al-Musta‘in set out together with the count to go to King Alfonso, who at that time was in the regions of Orón.[lxvii] Indeed he asked the king with many entreaties to provide him[lxviii] the help of his soldiers against Roderic. But the king did not wish to acquiesce to his entreaties and the count reached Calamocha with his fellow-soldiers Bernald, Girald Alaman and Dorea, bringing a very large army. There a very large multitude of fighters was brought together against Roderic.

In that time Roderic was staying in the mountainous areas in the place that is called Iber. There King al-Musta‘in sent a messenger to him. He reported to Roderic that the count of Barcelona had been wholly prepared to fight with him. Roderic cheerfully gave this sort of response to the messenger who was telling him these things: “I give friendly thanks to al-Musta‘in the king of Zaragoza, my faithful friend, for he has revealed to me the count’s plan and his arrangement for a war to come against me. But I think very little of the count and the multitude of his warriors and scorn them, and I will gladly await him in this place with God’s help. If he comes, I will certainly do battle with him.”

Therefore Count Berengar came with his huge army through the mountainous areas to a place next to where Roderic was, and he fixed his temps not too far opposite Roderic. On a certain night he sent scouts who scouted and knew in advance that an immense mountain was above Roderic’s camp. The camp had been fixed underneath the mountain.

38. On the next day the count had a letter written containing an address of this sort, which he sent to Roderic through a messenger:

“I Berengar, the count of Barceolna, say with my soldiers to you- Roderic- that we have seen your letter that you sent to al-Musta‘in and you told him to show it to us. It derided us and indeed cursed us and roused us to very great madness. Previously you had committed very many injustices against us, on account of which we should be hostile to you and very angry, and we ought to be enemies and adversaries against you all the more so for the derision in which you spurned and mocked us through your letter! You still have in your hands our money that you stole from us. But for such great injustices God, who is powerful, will vindicate us, against whom you have transgressed. You also brought upon us another worse injustice and derision, in which you likened us to our wives. But we do not wish to deride you or your men with such wicked derision, but we ask and beseech the God of Heaven that hand you over into our hands and our power, so that we can show you how much stronger we are than our wives.

You also told King al-Musta‘in that, if we came to you to wage war with you, you would come out to confront us sooner than he could turn back to Monzón, and, if we were delaying in coming against you, you would confront us on the way. Therefore we very much beseech you not to curse us because of the fact that we did not come down to you today. For we do this because we wish to inform ourselves about your army and your state of affairs. For we see that you, having confidence in your army as well as your mountain, wish to wage war with us. We also see ad are aware that the mountain, ravens, crows, sea eagles, eagles and almost all kinds of birds are your god, because you trust more in their auguries than in God. In contrast, we believe in and adore the one God: may He vindicate us regarding you and hand you over into our hands. But you should know for a fact that tomorrow at dawn, God willing, you will see us near you and before you. If however you come out to us in the plain and separate yourself from your mountain, you will be the Roderic whom they call the warrior and Campeador. If you do not wish to do this, you will be the one whom they call in vulgar Castilian speech “alevoso”[lxix] and in vulgar speech of the Franks “bauzador”[lxx] and “fraudator.”[lxxi] Indeed you will have nothing to show for the notion that you have the likeness of such great strength. We will not loosen the pressure over you, nor will we depart from you, until you come into my hands dead or captured alive and bound with iron fetters. In the end we will indulge in the same mockery of you that you wrote and engaged in regarding us. May God vindicate His churches, which you have violently destroyed and violated.”

39. After this letter was read in Roderic’s presence and heard by him, he immediately ordered for the writing of his own letter and the sending of it to the count. It contained this response:

“I Roderic and my companions send our regards to you Count Berengar and your men. May should know that I heard your letter and I understood everything contained in it. For you said in it that I wrote my letter to al-Musta‘in in which I derided and insulted you and your men. You have certainly spoken the truth. For I insulted you and your men and I still do so. Therefore I will tell you why I have cursed you. When you were with al-Musta‘in in the regions of Calatayud,[lxxii] you insulted me in his presence, telling him that because of fear of you I had not dared to enter those lands. Also your men- namely Raymond of Barbaran and other soldiers who were with him, said this same thing to King Alfonso in deriding me in Castile in the presence of the Castilians. You also, when al-Musta‘in was present, told King Alfonso that you would have indeed fought with me and cast me out in fetters from Alfagib’s lands and that I would not dare to behold you in those aforementioned lands, but out of love for the king you decided not to do all this and thus far out of love for him you have no troubled me, and since I was his vassal, you have thus spared bringing disgrace upon me and you have not wanted to bring injustice on me. Since you have brought clamours of this sort with such derision upon me, I have derided you and your men and I will do s, and I have equated you with your wives and likened you to hem because of your feminine strength. But now you will not be able to excuse yourself from fighting with me, if you dare to assault. If however you refuse to come to me, I am to be considered…But if you dare to come to me with your army, now I have come and I am not afraid. I do not believe that you are unaware of what I did to you and your men, how I harmed you. Indeed it is well known to me that you have made an agreement with Alfagib, that he should give you money and you should expel me and evict me entirely from his lands.

However I believe you will be afraid to fulfil these promises and you will not at all dare to come to me and fight with me. You should not refuse to come to me, for I seem to be in a rather flat place, which seems to be rather flat in all these lands. I tell you in certainty regarding the matter that if you and your men wish to come to me, it will be of no use to you. Indeed I will give you your pay, as I am accustomed to give you, if you by chance dare o come to me. But if you refuse to come to me and do not dare to fight with me, I will send my letter to the lord King Alfonso and I will send messengers to al-Musta‘in. I will tell them that whatever you promised and boasted and bragged you would make good on, you could not fulfil because you were terrified with fear of me. Indeed not only will I notify and inform these two kings but also all the nobles both Christian and Saracen about this. Both the Christians and the Saracens should know for sure that you have been taken captive by me and your money and the money of all your men are in my hands. Now I await you in the plain, with my mind secure and strong. If by chance you will try to come to me, you will see part of your money in the same place, but not to your advantage, but rather to your detriment. Indeed, while bragging with superfluous words, you have recounted that you are leading me into your hands, already overcome, captured or dead. But this is in the hands of God, and not your hands. Mocking me on very false grounds, you have claimed that I have acted as an alevoso in Castilian talk or a bauzador in Gallic talk. This in its own terms is plainly a lie. For I have never acted in such a way, but the one who has acted in such a way is the one who has already been proven to have engaged in such betrayals. You know well who that is, and many Christians and pagans undoubtedly know that this person is such as I describe him. We have now been contending with quarrelsome words for a while. Let us spare words of this sort, and as is the custom of esteemed soldiers, let the quarrel of this sort be settled between us through the noble strength of arms. Come and do not delay. Indeed you will receive from me your pay that I am accustomed to give you.”

40. But when Berengar had heard this letter with all his men, they all became incensed with immense anger. And so they decided on a plan, and after doing so they immediately sent some soldiers by night, in order to climb secretly and capture the mountain that hung over Roderic’s camp. For they thought that they could break into Roderic’s camp from the mountain, invade all his tents and completely seize them. And so coming by night they occupied the aforementioned mountain in advance and held it, without Roderic’s knowledge.

On the next day, at the beginning of the dawn, the count and his armed men, making calls around Roderic’s camp, immediately launched their assault on them. Seeing this, Roderic began to growl with his teeth and immediately ordered his soldiers to put on their breastplates and boldly prepare their battle-lines against the adversaries. So Roderic launched an assault with a quick charge on the battle-line of the count, whom he threw into disarray and defeated in the first struggle. Nonetheless, while Roderic bravely did battle in that struggle, he fell onto the ground from his horse, and his body was immediately struck and wounded. However, the soldiers did not cease to wage war, but rather fought with strong minds, until they defeated and courageously overcame both the count and all his army. Indeed many and countless numbers of them were killed and slain, and finally they captured the same count and led him along with around 5000 of his own men captured in that battle to Roderic. Roderic ordered for some of them- namely, lord Bernald, Girald Alaman, Raymond Muronus, Richard Guilelmus and very many and innumerable high-rank noblemen to be held together with the count and kept and placed in watchful custody. And so at Roderic’s hand arose a victory over Count Berengar and his army that is always to be commemorated and praised.

Roderic’s soldiers plundered all the camp and tents of Count Berengar and took all the spoils they found in them: namely, many gold and silver vessels and precious clothes, mules, horses, palfreys, lances, breastplates, shield. All the goods they took, they presented and brought to Roderic integral and whole in good faith.

41. Count Berengar saw and recognised that he had been beaten, confounded and made a captive at Roderic’s hand by God. Thus he humbly sought mercy from him, and so he came before Roderic who was sitting in his tent and with much entreaty sought indulgence from him. However Roderic did not wish to receive him with kindness and did not permit him to sit next to him in his tent, but ordered him to be guarded outside the tents by his soldiers. Indeed he ordered with concern for provisions to be given to him with generosity in the same place, and in the end he allowed him to go back to his land as a free man. But when Roderic recovered his bodily health after a few days, he instituted a pact with lord Berengar and Girald Alaman, whereby they were to give him 80000 marks of Valencian gold for their redemption. All the rest of the captives obliged and promised in accordance with Roderic’s desire that they would give him for their own redemption countless sums of money now indicated under a certain number.

Soon they returned to their own abodes and from there in the end they brought a very large supply of gold and silver and their children and parents as a guarantee for the redemption that had now been instituted, until they should pay it out. Doing this, they came back to Roderic with those things they took with them, hastening in a way that was not unwilling. They said that without doubt they had to give and make good on these things placed in his presence. When Roderic saw this, he held his counsel with his own men, and then moved by the consideration of piety he not only permitted them to depart freely to their own land, but also freed them of the whole obligation of redemption. On account of such great mercy displayed by him, they most devotedly gave thanks to his nobility and piety and promised to serve him. Rejoicing, they returned with all their property and with huge honour to their own land.

42. Roderic reached the place in the region of Zaragoza called Sacarca. He stayed for some two months. He left from there and then came to Daroca, where he indeed stayed for many days. For there was a very abundant supply of food and cattle in that place. In this same place also Roderic became afflicted with a grave illness.

Then Roderic sent some soldiers to al-Musta‘in the king of Zaragoza with his letters. They found him at Zaragoza and brought him the letters they were carrying. In this same city they found Count Berengar with his noble soldiers, sitting together with the aforementioned king. And so when the count knew that these messengers were Roderic’s soldiers, he permitted and immediately ordered them to come to him. He entrusted to them a message of this sort to be diligently brought to Roderic. Thus he said to them: “Give warm regards on my behalf to Roderic my friend and do not cease to tell him that I certainly wish to be his true friend and assistant in all his necessities.”

When the aforementioned messengers heard this, they returned to Roderic who was now recovering and healthy, and they diligently reported to him line-for-line the count’s message. Roderic however consider these words he heard to be meaningless and indeed said that the man was not his friend and that he himself did not have peace with him. His soldiers and primates said to him: “What is this? What evil has Count Berengar ever done to you such that you do not wish to have peace with him? Indeed you defeated him, overcame him, and held him under your hand and in your power, bound and captured. You boldly took away from him all his treasures and riches. And you do not wish for peace with him? You are not the one asking him, but rather he is the one asking you in order to have peace with you.” Finally he gave in to the counsel of his soldiers and noblemen and indeed promised he would have peace with him.

The messengers immediately returned to Zaragoza and diligently reported to Count Berengar and his nobles that Roderic wished to be his friend and would have peace with him. When the count and his men heard this, they rejoiced very much.
Then the count left Zaragoza and immediately came to Roderic and his camp and there friendship and peace are known to have been instituted between both men. The count then placed a certain part of Spain subject to his power in the protection and hands of Roderic. And so both men immediately came down to the coastal areas next to them. Roderic placed his camp in Burriana. Berengar left Roderic, crossed the river Ebro, and returned to his land.

43. Roderic stayed in the Burriana and the regions of Valencia. He celebrated the Lord’s Easter above Yuballa. Then he besieged with his army the fort of Liria next to Valencia, and there he distributed very generous stipends to his soldiers.

44. In this place the letter of the queen- the wife of King Alfonso- and his friends was brought to him. They indicated to him that King Alfonso was marching against the Saracens and indeed wished to go to war with them. For the Saracens had now captured Granada and all its territory. This indeed was the reason why the king was going to fight against the Saracens. In this letter his friends advised him to lay aside every matter, go quickly to the king who was now marching with his army against the Saracens, to be together with the king in that war, to unite himself and all his army with the king’s army by helping him, and thus immediately recover for sure the king’s grace and love.

And so he listened to his friends’ counsel and immediately left the fort of Liria, which had indeed been oppressed by him from all sides in war, hunger and thirst, and which he in fact believed was on the verge of surrender. He then immediately marched with his entire army on a long journey towards the king. He found the king in the place that is called Martos[lxxiii] in the regions of Cordoba.

45. When the king heard that Roderic was coming, he immediately went out to meet him and received him with great honour. And so both came near the city of Granada. The king ordered for all his tents to be fixed and placed throughout the mountainous areas in the place that is called Ilibera.[lxxiv] Roderic however fixed his tents throughout the plain in the place that was in front of the king’s camp. He did this to avoid and keep watch over the king’s camp. This measure however greatly displeased the king.

Then the king, driven by envy, said to his men: “See and consider what sort of injustice and what sort of disgrace Roderic is bringing upon us. Indeed today he came behind us after a long journey, as though he were tired and worn out. But now he has preceded us and has fixed his tents in front of us.” Almost all were touched by his envy and together responded to the king that he had told the truth, and envying Roderic in all things, they cursed Roderic in the king’s presence on account of his bold, excess presumption.

The king remained in the same place for six days. Yusuf the king of the Moabites and Saracens did not dare to await King Alfonso and fight with him, terrified as he was with fear of the same king, and so he fled together with his army and secretly withdrew from those regions. And so when King Alfonso discovered for certain that Yusuf the king of the Saracens had fled out of fear of him and had secretly withdrawn from those parts, he immediately ordered for a return to Toledo.

Returning to Toledo, he reached the fort called Ubeda,[lxxv] which is over the river of Alchevir.[lxxvi] Roderic ordered his men to fix and place his camp next to the same river. In the same place the king harshly berated Roderic with angry and not soft words. Indeed he rebuked him for many various reasons, which were nonetheless untrue. He was so vehemently moved and inflamed with anger against him, that he decreed and wanted to take him captive. Roderic considered this and realised it plainly through certain signs, and so he patiently bore all the insults of the king’s words. And so on the same and following night, Roderic left the king, not without fear, and immediately returned to his camp. Indeed many of Roderic’s own soldiers then abandoned him and crossed over to the king’ camp. Thus having abandoned their lord Roderic, they brought themselves to service of the king.

As for the king, he was aggravated by Roderic who through some quarrelsome words was seeking to excuse himself regarding the injustice brought upon him by the king. He was also struck with excessive fury. In this state he returned to Toledo with his army.

46. As for Roderic, he was troubled and very grievous about the not inconsiderable labour of travel, and he immediately withdrew into the regions of Valencia. He stayed there for many days. In this place he rebuilt with many firm fortifications of building a certain fort called Pennacatel[lxxvii] that the Saracens had completely destroyed. He also surrounded it with an unassailable wall on all sides and firmly constructed it. Finally he indeed fortified with a multitude of soldiers and infantry the aforementioned fort that had been sufficiently fortified with all sorts of arms. Also he copiously filled it with an abundant supply of bread, wine and meat.

So departing he came from there down to Valencia. Then he descended to Morella, where he did not stay for many days. There also he solemnly celebrated the Lord’s birthday.

47. A certain man came to him in this place. The former promised that he would secretly give him the fort of Borja[lxxviii] that is next to Tudela.[lxxix]

And so after beginning this plan, he immediately began to march against the fort of Borja with his people. But suddenly a messenger of al-Musta‘in the king of Zaragoza came to him. He reported to him that al-Musta‘in had been gravely afflicted and oppressed by King Sancho of Aragon. After this messenger left Roderic, Roderic secretly came next to Zaragoza by night and there he established that the man who promised that the fort of Borja would be given to him, had lied about the whole thing. Nonetheless he did not wish to return to his camp but stayed in the same place where he was. Hearing this, the elder and senior citizens of the city of Zaragoza came to him. They indeed beseeched him with many entreaties to be willing to have love, friendship and peace with their king. Thus it came to pass that al-Musta‘in and Roderic saw each other and signed a very firm peace treaty with each other.

48. Then Roderic reached Zaragoza with his army, crossed the river there and fixed his camp in the place called Fraga.

Hearing this, King Sancho of Aragon, together with his son King Peter, ordered for an immense army to be brought together. After the army was brought together, he immediately ordered for the fixing of his tent in the place called Gorreia.[lxxx] The king and his son then sent ambassadors to Roderic, bearing a message of love and peace. Hearing and discovering this, Roderic received them with honour and cheer, and replied to them that he indeed wished to have peace and love with Sancho and his son. He also immediately directed his own messengers to them to tell the king and his son of these word of his indicating for peace. So King Sancho, his son and Roderic saw each other, and they very firmly instituted with an indissoluble bond an arrangement of love and peace to be had between them.

On account of Roderic’s love and entreaty, King Sancho also ratified peace with al-Musta‘in. And so he made peace with him on amicable terms through Roderic’s mediation and involvement.

After this was done, King Sancho immediately returned to his own land. As for Roderic, he remained for not a few days in Zaragoza with King al-Musta‘in, enjoying very great honour.

49.

50. Finally we went out from Zaragoza with a very large and innumerable army and entered the lands of Calahorra[lxxxi] and Nájera,[lxxxii] which were in the realm of King Alfonso and under his power.

Then he boldly waged war and captured Alberite and Logroño.[lxxxiii] With utmost savagery and without mercy, he engaged in huge, sorrowful and very lamentable plundering, besides inflicting impious and vast burning with unquenchable flame through all those lands. And so he devastated and destroyed all the aforementioned land with wicked and impious plundering, and he stripped it entirely of its riches, wealth and all its spoils, and he placed all these things under his power. And so leaving from that place he came with a huge militia to the fort that is called Alfaro, which he boldly waged war on and immediately captured.

In this place the messengers of García Ordóñez and all his relatives came to him. They reported the same thing on behalf of the count and all his relatives: that he should wait there for seven days and no more. If he did so, the count and his relatives would certainly not hesitate to fight with him. He cheerfully replied to them that he would await the count and all his relatives in the same place for seven days and gladly fight with them.

However Count García Ordóñez gathered all his relatives and the powerful potentates and leaders who dominated all of that land, which extends from the city called Zamora to Pamplona. And so after gathering an immense and innumerable army of soldier and infantry, the aforementioned count and the same multitude of peoples came to the placed called Alberite. Fearing to go further and very much afraid and frightened to enter into war with Roderic, he returned terrified and without hesitation with his army from that place to his own land.

As for Roderic, he joyfully awaited them in the same place until day seven that had been previously indicated. He did so with a strong mind and was like an immovable stone. Then it was reported to him by a certain report that the count and all those who were him had gone back on the promised war and were afraid to fight with him, and so they had already headed home and dispersed, and indeed they had left Alberite deserted and empty without soldiers.

At that time, through the hand of King Alfonso, Count García the enemy of Roderic was dominating Calahorra and every region that Roderic had plundered. On account of the count’s enmity and because of his disgrace, Roderic burned the aforementioned land with the flame of fire and he more or less destroyed and devastated it.

When Roderic heard (as has been said) that the count had already returned home with his people on account of fear of him, and had left Alberite deserted without soldiers, he went out with his army from Alfaro and came to Zaragoza.

51.

52. He remained in the same place for many days with immense honour and he brought together for his use all the vineyards of that land that were not subject to the power of al-Musta‘in, and harvested grapes from them.

53. After leaving with his army from Zaragoza, he began to journey to Valencia. While was journeying, a certain messenger came to him. He reported in order: that the barbarian peoples of the Saracens had reached the eastern regions and had devastated them in a very savage way, and also had approached Valencia and obtained control of it. Finally, he pointed out to him that, even worse, with the betrayal against al-Qadir the king of Valencia, those barbarian peoples had killed all the men of Valencia and enacted an evil of this sort.

Hearing this, Roderic quickly reached the town of Yuballa and immediately besieged it. Had he not come so quickly, those barbarian peoples would have occupied first and indeed obtained control of all of Spain up to Zaragoza and Lerida.

54. He then immediately captured the fort of Yuballa after assailing it bravely from all sides. He populated and constructed a village in the same fort and surrounded and fortified it with munitions and very strong towers. Many people came to populate it and to the surrounding villages, and they dwelt in the same village.

So the men of Valencia who had escaped death were subjected to those barbarians who were called the Moabites. They considered themselves to be under the latter’s power and they remained mixed with them.

In the month of July, when the harvests are to be collected, Roderic fixed his camp next to Valencia. Indeed he began to eat away at their harvests with his horses and destroy their homes on the outside. When the inhabitants of Valencia realised this, they immediately sent ambassadors to him, asking him and pleading with him very much to be peaceful towards them and permit the Moabites to dwell with them. He however vowed he would not be peaceful towards them in any way, unless they separated the Moabites from themselves and completely expelled them from the city. They did not wish to do this, but rather they shut themselves in the city.

55. He so bravely assailed a certain part of Valencia called Villa Nova that he captured it, and wholly stripped it of all the wealth and money he found in it. Meanwhile he also assailed and captured another part of the city called Alcudia. The men who lived in this part, submitted and immediately subjected themselves to his dominion and power. He granted for the men subject to him to live freely in peace in their homes and their locality with all their property.

56. The other men who were inhabitants of Valencia were greatly terrified when they saw this. Immediately and in accordance with Roderic’s mandate they expelled the Moabites from their city and subjected themselves to his power. So he permitted them to remain free and at peace and to live without trouble as far as Denia.

57. Yusuf had a little while before sent a letter to him, in which he had indeed ordered him not to dare to enter the land of Valencia in any way. Hearing this, Roderic seemed very angry. And so inflamed with burning anger, he wholly spurned him and derided him with words of mockery. He also set his letters to all the potentates and dukes of the Spanish lands, in which he indicated to them that Yusuf did not dare to cross the sea and come to Valencia out of fear of him. Hearing this, Yusuf immediately ordered for an immense and innumerable army to be gathered and in his restlessness he ordered for the crossing of the sea without delay.

In the meantime, Roderic said this to the men dwelling in Valencia in a sweet speech: “Men of Valencia, I will gladly give you an interval and truce till the month of August. If in the meantime Yusuf comes, helps and casts me out defeated from these lands and frees you from my power, serve him and be under his power. If he cannot do this, serve me and be my men.”

These words were indeed pleasing to all the men of Valencia. They immediately sent their letters to Yusuf and all the dukes of the Spanish lands who were under Yusuf’s power. In these letters, they asked them to come with an immense army to Valencia and free them from the hand and power of Roderic. They told them that if they did not wish to do by August, they should know for sure that they would wholly obey Roderic’s command and serve him in all matters.

In the meantime Roderic allowed Valencia to live freely in peace, reached Pinnacatel with his army, and plundered all the land and surrounding province up to Belliena. He took many captives, many spoils and a copious supply of food in the same place. He sent all these things to Pinnacatel and left them there with very much booty. He then immediately returned to the regions of Valencia.

58. After leaving from there, he ascended and reached the lands of Albarracín, which had deceived him in its tribute. And so he plundered all that land. Indeed he ordered for all the food-supply he found there to be sent in its entirety to Yuballa. In the meantime he returned to Yuballa with a very large amount of booty.

59. So once the month of August passed, the inhabitants of Valencia heard through a true report that the Moabites were certainly coming with Yusuf’s huge army to help them to provide assistance and free them from Roderic’s dominion. They immediately withdrew from the pact they had made with Roderic and in all ways they became rebels and adversaries against him, not keeping to the faithfulness of the pact. When Roderic plainly found out about this he again besieged Valencia with all animosity, and assaulted it from all sides in a brave and very intense battle. Harsh and not inconsiderable hunger is indeed known to have arisen in the city.

60. In the meantime therefore the army of the Moabites was quickly coming to them to provide help and approached Valencia. But they did no dare to commit to war with Roderic, terrified as they were with fear of him, and very much afraid they fled by night through the shadows and thus confounded they returned to their regions.

61. For a considerable amount of time, Roderic assailed Valencia from every side more bravely and intensely than usual, and finally he boldly captured it by the sword after assaulting it, and he immediately plundered it after capturing it.

He found and acquired in it much and innumerable riches: namely an immense abundance of gold and silver (countless in number), precious necklaces, jewels decorated with much gold, various different ornaments, and silk clothes plaited with precious gold. Therefore he acquired so much and such precious wealth in this city, that he and all his men became rich and wealthy beyond words.

62. When Yusuf the king of the Moabites heard that Valencia had already been captured and plundered by Roderic with great animosity of war, he became angry and very sorrowful. Holding counsel with his own men, he appointed a duke over Spain from his own family: namely, his sister’s son, called Muhammad. He sent him with a countless multitude of barbarians, Moabites and Ishmaelites dwelling through all of Spain, in order for them to besiege Valencia, take Roderic captive and lead him bound in iron chains to him.

And so these men came to the place that is called Quarto, which is four miles from Valencia, and they fixed their camp there. All that surrounding region immediately came to them with a supply of food, meats and fodder necessary for them and partly brought and partly sold them provisions. Their number was around 150,000 soldiers and 30,000 infantry. When Roderic saw that such a great and innumerable multitude of peoples had arrived to fight against him, he was very amazed.

This immense army of the Moabites lay and remained above Valencia for ten days and as many nights. Each day they surrounded it, howling and calling with many and various clamours of voices, emitting a considerable roar, and they frequently shot arrows at tents and dwellings of Roderic and his soldiers. Indeed they pressured them with the pressure of war. With his usual liveliness of heart, Roderic boldly strengthened and fortified himself and his men, and incessantly implored in devoted prayer for the Lord Jesus Christ to provide his men divine help.

On a certain day, while howling, calling and assailing in the usual manner, they surrounded the city and believed they would indeed capture it with their strength, but Roderic the invincible warrior trusted in the Lord and His clemency with all his mind, and so calling to them with his well-armed men and terrifying them with words of threats, he boldly and courageously sallied out. And so he attacked them and committed to an immense war with them, and with the help of divine clemency, he defeated all the Moabites. And thus he gained triumph and victory brought to him by God over them.

After being defeated, they turned back and fled. A multitude of them fell by the sword. Others were led as captives with their wives and children to Roderic’s camp. They took all their camp and tents, in which they found innumerable sums of gold, silver and precious clothes. They wholly stripped these tents of the riches they found in the same place. So Roderic and all his men were then very much enriched and were satiated with much gold, silver, very precious clothes, horses, palfreys, mules or various kinds of weapons, and an abundance of food and indescribable treasures. This sort of victory took place in era 1132.[lxxxiv]

63. After he had this sort of triumph, Roderic captured the fort called Olocau.[lxxxv] In it he found much treasure that belonged to King al-Qadir. He divided it with his men in good faith. Then he also took another town called Serra.[lxxxvi]

64. Then King Sancho of Aragon of good memory died. He lived for 52 years, and afterwards he went to Christ in peace and was buried with honours in the monastery of Saint John of Pinna. After his death his son Peter was elevated to be king in the kingdom of Aragon.[lxxxvii] All the leading men of his kingdom came together and then said to the king: “We unanimously beseech your majesty, oh illustrious king, to deign to hear our counsel. We believed that it will be a plainly sound and useful plan for you to have friendship and love with Roderic Campeador. The unanimity of our council advises you of this without doubt.”

This sort of counsel from the king’s leading men was indeed pleasing to him and he immediately sent his messengers to Roderic in order to unite with him. The sent messengers said to Roderic: “Our lord the king of Aragon has sent us to you, in order for you to unite with him and institute amicably peace and very firm love with him. This is to that you can be united in waging war on your enemies and be able to provide help to each other against our adversaries.” This was very pleasing to Roderic and he replied to them that he would gladly do this.

As for King Peter, he immediately headed down to the coastal areas in the place that is called Montornés. Roderic left the city of Valencia and came to him in Burriana. In this place they saw each other and very firmly signed a peace to be had between them, and they decided with good and sincere intention, that they should help each other foremost above all men against their enemies. When this was done, the king immediately returned to his land and through the rule of law he arranged and stabilised his kingdom to remain and live under good justice. As for Roderic, he returned to Valencia.

65. After a short period of time passed, King Peter came to Valencia with his army in order to provide help to his friend Roderic. Roderic received him with very great honour. And so with their army combined, both men equally came out from Valencia and began to march to the town of Pinnacatel, in order to send food supply into it and sufficiently fortify it with provisions.

When they approached the city of Xativa, Muhammad the nephew of King Yusuf of the Moabites and Ishmaelites came out to confront them with an immense army (namely 30,000 soldiers well equipped with all weapons), in order to do battle with them. On the same day the Ishmaelites and Moabites did not do battle with them but remained all day above the mountains, howling and calling. As for King Peer and Roderic, they boldly sent all the food supply they found in that region together with the booty they had into the town of Pinnacatel, and thus they very abundantly fortified the town with provisions.

66. Going out from there towards the south, they both came down to the coastal areas and fixed their camp opposite Bairén.[lxxxviii] On the next day Muhammad readied himself with the Moabites, Ishmaelites and all the barbarian peoples (i.e. a very large and innumerable multitude) in order to do battle against the king and Roderic. In the same place was a large mountain, which appeared to be around 60 stades high. In this mountain was the camp of the Saracens. From the other side was the sea, in which there was a multitude of ship of the Ishmaelites and Moabites. From them they assailed the Christians with the bow and arrows. From the side of the mountain, they assailed them with other weapons. When the Christians perceived this, they were considerably terrified and became very afraid.

When Roderic saw that they were timid and afraid, he immediately rode on his horse and equipped with his arms he began to proceed through the army of the Christians and very much strengthening them he expressed these word: “Hear me, my very beloved and sweet allies, be strong and powerful, and be boldly strengthened. Do not be afraid in any way and do not fear their multitude, for today our Lord Jesus Christ will hand them over into our hands and our power.” At midday the king and Roderic, together with the whole army of the Christians, attacked them and assailed them bravely with their arms and with their robust strength. At last through the grant and work of God’s mercy, they boldly defeated hem and put them to flight. Some of them collapsed when they were slain by the swords, whereas some fell into the river.  A very immense part of them drowned and suffocated in the sea while fleeing.

And so after the Saracens were defeated and killed, the Christian victors plundered all their possessions. After they gained heir victory, they sufficiently took in the same place all their spoils- namely, gold, silver, horses, mules, the best weapons and many riches- and with all the devotion of their mind they glorified God because of the victory brought to them by God.

After they had this sort of triumph that is to be commemorated and always praised, King Peter and Roderic, praising God, returned to Valencia with their army. They remained in the same city for a few days. Both then went out from there and reached the fort of Montorné, which was in rebellion against the king and in his territory. They immediately besieged it and after besieging it and boldly assailing it, they took it for the control of the king. After this wa done, the king immediately returned in good cheer to his kingdom. As for Roderic, he returned to his city of Valencia.

67. One day Roderic went out from the city to look for and track his enemies. While he was journeying, the qa’id called Abu al-Fatah came out from Xativa and entered Murviedro. When Roderic discovered this, he marched against him and pursued him, until he shut him in the town called Almenara.[lxxxix] He besieged the town and bravely assailed it from all sides for three months. After this period, he boldly captured it. He allowed all the men whom he captured within to go away freely to their own places. He ordered for an altar and church to be built in the same place for the Lord in honour of the most blessed Virgin Mary.

68. After thus doing these things by the grace of God, he departed with his militia from Almenara, saying and feigning that he wished to go to Valencia, when secretly in his heart he had planned to surround and assail Murviedro. Meanwhile he prayed to the Lord with his hands extended to the sky, saying: “Eternal God, You who know all things before they happen, to whom nothing remains secret. You know, Lord that I did not wish to enter Valencia before the following: besieging and assailing Murviedro, and after assailing it, obtaining it by the braveness of the sword with Your power at work, and after obtaining it, having it and possessing it under our power through Your grant, and thus in the same place arranging the celebration of mass for You- God- while praising You.” And so after concluding this sort of prayer, he immediately besieged the town of Murviedro and he gravely afflicted and pressured it with swords, arrows, missiles and all kinds of arms and siege engines he had. He prevented the people from leaving the fort and entering into the fort.

69. The defenders and inhabitant of the fort saw that they had been assailed from all sides and had been gravely afflicted and pressured, and so they said to each other: “What will we poor people do? This tyrant Roderic will not permit us to live or inhabit this fort in any way. He will do to us what he recently did to the inhabitants of Valencia and Almenara who could not resist him. So let us see what we are going to do. For now we, our wives, sons and daughters will undoubtedly die of hunger. Indeed there will be no one who can snatch us out of his hands.” When this had been discovered, Roderic began to assail them more bravely and pressingly than usual, and he placed them under very severe pressure. When they therefore realised and saw that they had been placed in such great bitterness, they shouted to Roderic, saying: “Why do you bring such great and unbearable evils on us? Why do you kill us with lances, arrows and words? Mollify and tame your heart, and have pity on us. We unanimously beseech you to grant us a truce of some days out of consideration of piety. In the meantime, we will send our messengers to the king and to our lords, asking them to come help us. If no one who can free us from your hands comes for the purpose we have just indicated, we will be your men and we will serve you. Indeed you should know for sure that the town of Murviedro is of such great name and such great fame in the consideration of all peoples, that in no way will we give it to you so quickly. So before it should be granted without a truce granted to us, you should know for sure that we will die first. And so with all us killed, you will afterwards be able to have possession of it.” Roderic plainly realised that this was of no use for them, so he granted them a truce for 30 days.

70. In the meantime they sent their messengers to King Yusuf, the Moabites, King Alfonso, al-Musta‘in the king of Zaragoza, the king of Albarracín, and the count of Barcelona, asking them not to refrain from coming to help them within 30 days. They told them that if they did not wish to do his, then with the passing of the 30 days, they would undoubtedly give the town to Roderic and would moreover serve the same man faithfully as their lord. When King Alfonso had seen and heard the messengers of Murviedro, he thus responded to them: “Believe me for sure that I will not help you, because I prefer for Roderic to have the town of Murviedro rather than for some king of the Saracens to have it.” When the messengers heard this, they returned to their own abodes without any plan. As for the messengers who had been sent to Zaragoza, al-Musta‘in gave this sort of response to them: “Go, and as far as you can, strengthen yourselves and be brave in fighting and resisting that man, for Roderic has a sturdy neck and is a very brave and invincible fighter, and so I indeed fear to do battle with him.” For a little while before Roderic had sent messengers to him saying: “al-Musta‘in, you should know that if you try to come with your army against me and do battle with me, you and your nobles will either be dead or taken captive, and you will not in any way escape from my hands.” Thus, terrified with fear of Roderic, he did not dare to come. As for the king of Albarracín, he said to the messengers who had been presented regarding this: “Strengthen yourselves and resist him as far as you can, because I cannot help you.” The Moabites said this to the messengers sent to them: “If our king Yusuf wishes to come, we will all go with him and gladly help you. Otherwise, we will not dare to do battle against Roderic without him.” As for the count of Barcelona, who had received immense tribute from them, he said to the messengers sent to him: “Know that I do not dare to do battle with Roderic, but I will go rather quickly and surround his fort called Oropesa,[xc] and when he comes to me and tries to fight with me, you in the meantime sent sufficient food supply from another region into your fort.”

And so the count, as he said he would do, soon besieged the fort. Hearing about this, Roderic in fact considered the matter to be meaningless and refused to go help his fort. In the meantime a certain soldier aid to the count who was positioned above the fort: “Most noble count, I have heard for sure that Roderic is coming against you and wishes to do battle with you.” Hearing this, he did not wish to test the truth of the matter and so he immediately left the surrounded fort, and terrified with fear of Roderic, he fled to his own land.

71. So once the truce of 30 days expired, Roderic said to the barbarian who were inside the fort of Murviedro: “Why are you delaying to hand over the town to me?” They thus responded to him deceitfully: “Lord, the messengers whom we have sent have not yet returned to us. So we unanimously still beseech your nobility to give us an extension of the truce.” So as Roderic realised they were speaking to him deceitfully and fraudulently and rather plainly found out that they were saying this to him fictitiously in a bid to have some respite, he said to them: “So that it should be openly clear to all men that I fear none of your kings, I still grant you a truce of 12 days, so that they should have no excuse in coming and helping you. And so when the 12 days have passed, I tell you in certainty of the matter that if you do not immediately give me the fort, then whomsoever of you I am able to capture or gain hold of, I will burn alive with fire and butcher by the sword, not without torments.” And so the pre-appointed day came, in which Roderic said to those who were inside the fort: “Why do you put such great delays in the way and not hand to me the fort you have already promised?” They responded: “Behold your feast that is called Pentecost is near. On the day of this feast we will indeed hand you the fort. For our kings do not wish to help us. But you enter the fort with your men rather safely and take hold of it as you wish.” So he said to them: “Indeed on the same day of Pentecost I will not enter the fort, but I give you still a truce until the feast of Saint John. In the meantime take your wives, children, families and all your possessions and go with all your property in peace whithersoever you wish. And so evacuate the fort, which you should leave to me free without impediment. A for myself, by the work of the divine clemency, I will enter the fort on the nativity of Saint John the Baptist.” As for the Saracens, they gave him many devoted thanks on account of their such great love for his show of mercy.

72. And so on the birthday of Saint John the Baptist,[xci] Roderic sent forth his soldiers to enter the fort. He ordered them to climb the fort and enter it. They immediately entered the fort and now obtained the top of the fort, and in their exultation, they gave thanks to God. Soon Roderic himself entered the fort, and immediately with devoted mind ordered for the celebration of mass and the offering of the duty of oblations in it. In the same place he had the church of Saint John constructed with wondrous work.

He ordered his soldiers to guard carefully the gates of the city, the fortifications of the walls, and everything that was within the city and the fort. But in the fort, despite its evacuation, they found many riches. Some Saracen inhabitants of Murviedro still remained in the city. Three days after the capture of the town, Roderic said to them: “Now I order you by all means to restore to me everything you took away from my men and those things you brought for the Moabites against me and to my disgrace and loss. If you do not wish to do this, you should have no doubt that you will be thrust into jail and bound terrible with iron chains.” They were unable to render what he asked for, and so stripped wholly of their riches and bound with chains, they were immediately directed by Roderic’s order to Valencia.

73. And so once these things were done, he himself came to Valencia and in the house of the Saracens, which they call a mosque, he constructed with wondrous and righteous work the church of the Holy Virgin Mary in honour of the mother of our Redeemer. He also offered a golden chalice having 150 marks to the same church. Also he gave two very precious lyres woven with silk and gold to the aforementioned church. They said that there were never any others like them in Valencia. In the same church they then unanimously celebrated with devoted minds mass with the melodies of praises and very sweet and suave voices of song. In the same place with exultant minds they praised our Redeemer the Lord Jesus Christ, to whom belong honour and glory together with the Father and Holy Spirit forever and ever, amen.

74. All the wars that Roderic waged with his allies and from which he obtained triumph, and how many town and villages he plundered and wholly destroyed by his very strong right hand with swords and all kinds of arms, it would seem to take a very long time to narrate in order, and perhaps would turn into something tedious for the readers. But in so far as the scarcity of our knowledge has been able to grasp things, it has noted down with crude pen his deeds in brief and in most certain truth. As long as he lived in his world, he always obtained noble triumph over his adversaries fighting with him in battle, and he was never defeated by anyone.

75. Roderic died in Valencia in July era 1137.[xcii] After his death, his wife remained pitiable at Valencia with a very large company of soldiers and infantry. On hearing of his death, all the Saracens who lived in the regions across the sea, brought together a considerable army and immediately came above Valencia and besieged it from every side. After besieging it for seven months, they assailed it from all sides.

76. His wife, widowed of such a great man, saw that she was being pressures in such great affliction and found no remedy of consolation for her unhappiness. And so he she immediately sent the bishop of the city to King Alfonso, so that out of regard for piety he should come help her, pitiable as she was. Hearing this, the king quickly reached Valencia with his army. Roderic’s pitiable wife kissed his feet and received him with very great joy and begged him to help her and all the Christians who were with her. The king however found no one among his men who could hold the city and defend it from the Saracens, because it appeared to be far removed from his kingdom. Thus he led back with him to Castile Roderic’s wife along with the body of her husband, as well as all the Christians who were present at the time, together with their riches and possessions.

So after all left the city, the king ordered for the whole city to be burned with army and reached Toledo with all these people. As for the Saracens who had fled after the king’s arrival and had abandoned the siege of the city, they entered the city (despite the fact that it had been burned) soon after the king’s departure, and they inhabited it with all its territory. They have never lost it since then.

77. Roderic’s wife, together with her husband’s soldiers, brought the body of Roderic to the monastery of Saint Peter Caradigna. There, after considerable gifts were brought to the monastery on behalf of his soul, she buried him with honours.

Notes

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[i] Located in Burgos province of Castile and León.

[ii] Sancho II of Castile (ruled 1065-1072 CE).

[iii] A locality in Huesca province of Aragon. The battle of Graus was an unsuccessful attempt by Ramiro I of Aragon to capture a fort held by the ta’ifa of Zaragoza, which was aided by Sancho II.

[iv] Alfonso VI.

[v] A locality in Palencia province of Castile and León.

[vi] Also located in Palencia province.

[vii] A locality in Soria province of Castile and León.

[viii] Ruler of the ta’ifa of Seville in the period c. 1061-1091 CE.

[ix] Abdullah bin Buluggin, ruler of the ta’ifa of Granada in the period 1073-1090 CE.

[x] García Sánchez III, king of Pamplona in the period 1035-1054 CE.

[xi] Cf. Judith 9:9.

[xii] Located in the province of Cordoba in Andalucía.

[xiii] i.e. 9 a.m.-12 p.m.

[xiv] A locality in Soria province.

[xv] Cf. 1 Samuel 30:8.

[xvi] The text is corrupted at this point.

[xvii] al-Mundhir. He is given the name of Alfagib in the text because the author appears to think the administrative position (Arabic: al-hajib) he held under his father is his actual name.

[xviii] Located in eastern Spain.

[xix] Sancho Ramírez, king of Aragon in the period 1063-1094 CE, and king of Pamplona after 1076 CE.

[xx] A locality in Huesca province.

[xxi] A locality in Lérida province in Catalonia.

[xxii] A region in Spain bordering France.

[xxiii] Located in the Occitania region of southern France.

[xxiv] A tributary to the Ebro.

[xxv] A tributary to the Segre.

[xxvi] Correspnding to Tamarite de Litera in Huesca province.

[xxvii] Corresponding to Rueda de Jalón in Zaragoza province.

[xxviii] Locality in Navarra province in Aragon.

[xxix] 1085 CE.

[xxx] A locality in the province of Castellón,

[xxxi] Locality in Zaragoza province.

[xxxii] Corresponding to Ibeas de Juarros in Burgos province.

[xxxiii] A valley of Teruel.

[xxxiv] A valley in the province of Cantabria.

[xxxv] A locality in Burgos province.

[xxxvi] Corresponding to Langa de Duero in Soria province.

[xxxvii] The countryside lands affiliated with a locality.

[xxxviii] 1089 CE.

[xxxix] A river that flows through Spain and Portugal.

[xl] Corresponding to Fresno de Caracena in Zaragoza province.

[xli] A locality of Teruel province in Aragon.

[xlii] A locality of Teruel province. It was also the centre of a ta’ifa kingdom.

[xliii] Corresponding to Sagunto in the province of Valencia.

[xliv] Corresponding to El Puig, a village to the north of Valencia.

[xlv] A locality in Valencia province.

[xlvi] Ruler of the ta’ifa of Valencia in the period 1086-1092 CE.

[xlvii] A locality in Valencia province.

[xlviii] Yusuf bin Tashfin.

[xlix] The Arabs/Muslims.

[l] The Berbers/Moors.

[li] A locality in Murcia province.

[lii] A locality in Valencia province.

[liii] A locality in Alicante province.

[liv] A locality in Albacete province.

[lv] A locality in Albacete province.

[lvi] A locality in Murcia province.

[lvii] A locality in Alicante province.

[lviii] Perhaps corresponding to Hellín.

[lix] A locality in Alicante province.

[lx] A locality in Alicante province.

[lxi] A locality in Alicante province.

[lxii] A locality in Tarragona province.

[lxiii] A locality in Castellón province.

[lxiv] The earlier mentioned al-Mundhir.

[lxv] Cf. Exodus 15:16.

[lxvi] A locality in Zaragoza province.

[lxvii] A locality in Burgos province.

[lxviii] I believe this refers to the count here.

[lxix] “Treacherous.”

[lxx] “Swindler.”

[lxxi] “Defrauder.”

[lxxii] “The fortress of Ayub”: a locality in Zaragoza province.

[lxxiii] A locality in Jaén province.

[lxxiv] A locality in Granada province.

[lxxv] A locality in Jaén province.

[lxxvi] The Guadalquivir river.

[lxxvii] A locality in Valencia province.

[lxxviii] A locality in Zaragoza province.

[lxxix]A locality in Navarra province.

[lxxx] Corresponding to Gurrea de Gallego in Huesca province.

[lxxxi] A locality in La Rioja province.

[lxxxii] A locality in La Rioja province.

[lxxxiii] Localities in La Rioja province.

[lxxxiv] 1094 CE.

[lxxxv] A locality in Valencia province.

[lxxxvi] A locality in Valencia province.

[lxxxvii] King of Aragon and Pamplona in the period 1094-1104 CE.

[lxxxviii] A locality in Valencia province.

[lxxxix] A locality in Valencia province.

[xc] A locality in Castellón province.

[xci] 24 June.

[xcii] July 1099 CE.